On September 11, the anniversary of the death of the founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, this article presents some historical insights related to the Father of the Nation. Some of these events have not yet been discussed by historians but hold significant importance in the context of Pakistan’s history.
In 1960, as dictatorship was solidifying its hold on the country, the subject of history was removed from the secondary school curriculum. The subject of history was part of the matriculation syllabus throughout the country, including Punjab. Studying history allows observation of the past, which helps nations shape the present and future of their upcoming generations. Dictatorships typically emphasize the role of a single individual in running the state.
In Pakistan, from 1958 to 1969, and then until December 1971, the focus was on praising dictators. It was propagated that only one individual managed the state affairs, and if that person were to leave, the entire government setup would collapse. After the fall of Dhaka in 1971, the government that came to power was also led by someone whose development occurred during the dictatorship.
In 1977, the country faced its third period of dictatorship, and during this time, the focus remained on a single individual in politics. This trend continued during the fourth military dictatorship from 1999 to 2007. Observations of these periods reveal that state affairs were always centered around the leader’s vision. During these dictatorial regimes, ministers, advisors, and political companions also emphasized that the notable achievements were driven by the leader’s vision.
In contrast, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and his associates never made their leader’s vision a central slogan. They carried out their responsibilities according to their abilities.
A propaganda of single-leader dominance was promoted, leading our political leaders to make similar statements today. It was established that a single leader was the key to success, and this idea continued with educated and responsible individuals claiming that no political figure after Jinnah could continue his legacy.
Quaid-e-Azam expressed his firm belief in his speeches and statements after the creation of Pakistan that Pakistan was meant to exist on the world map. This means he was aware that his plans had the capability to achieve the goals of establishing the homeland. However, trained individuals from his team were not given the opportunity to work.
According to Sardar Abdul Rab Nishtar, they do not stop at the destination, and according to Mohsin Bhopali, the destination was achieved by those who were not traveling companions. If Quaid-e-Azam did not consider political leadership after him, why would he have engaged in the arduous struggle for a separate national homeland for Muslims in the subcontinent?
Clearly, under Quaid-e-Azam’s leadership, his team was capable, intelligent, fearless, and farsighted enough to achieve the goals of establishing the homeland. Unfortunately, non-political elements took control of the country and either erased Quaid-e-Azam’s team from history or deprived them of power.
As everyone knows, in 1946, Quaid-e-Azam’s physician, Dr. Patel, informed him that his illness had reached a stage where only two to two and a half years of life remained. Due to his declining health and continuous illness, some elements began to consider themselves as his successors, including Federal Cabinet member Minister of Finance Ghulam Muhammad.
According to authentic research, Minister of Finance Ghulam Muhammad had insisted in August 1948 that a proposal be included in the Cabinet agenda to appoint an alternative Acting Governor General due to Quaid-e-Azam’s illness, which Liaquat Ali Khan rejected, stating that Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the leader of Muslims of the entire subcontinent, and he was unanimously elected as the President of the Constituent Assembly, which granted Pakistan’s independence, and he was unanimously appointed as Governor General.
Among Ghulam Muhammad’s supporters were Governor General’s advisor on Kashmir, Mushtaq Ahmad Gormani, and a senior civil servant. Noted bureaucrat Syed Hashim Raza wrote in his memoirs that on the night of September 11, 1948, he received a message that the Prime Minister had urgently called him to the Governor General’s House. Upon arrival, he found Liaquat Ali Khan sitting alone in the lawn, his head in his hands.
Seeing him, Liaquat Ali Khan said that their leader had departed. There were now two tasks: selecting his successor, which he was contemplating, and determining his burial place, which was to be done by Syed Hashim Raza. The burial site should be on a prominent location in the city.
Quaid-e-Azam’s deep, affectionate attachment to Liaquat Ali Khan is evident from the fact that prominent journalist Shahid Hussain Bukhari reported that during an interview with Chaudhry Khaliq-uz-Zaman, Khaliq-uz-Zaman had suggested the name of Nawab of Bhopal Sir Hamidullah Khan for the successor, but Liaquat Ali Khan remained silent on it.
Prominent lawyer Syed Abu Asim states that Nawab of Bhopal Sir Hamidullah Khan was not interested in any position in Pakistan. He believed that a strong electoral constituency was necessary in parliamentary democracy, which requires time. Noted bureaucrat Syed Hashim Raza also made a similar statement regarding Nawab Sahib.
According to research by Khwaja Ziauddin Jahangir Syed, Ghulam Muhammad began to consider himself Jinnah’s successor even during Jinnah’s lifetime. U.S. Embassy Military Attaché Nathaniel Ramze Hoskat reported to Washington that Ghulam Muhammad claimed to be Jinnah’s successor as Governor General but appeared to be mentally ill.
Colonel Hoskat’s report is available on the internet. Colonel Hoskat was at the U.S. Embassy in Delhi on August 15, 1948, at the time of India’s independence, and was soon appointed to the U.S. Embassy in Pakistan, where he likely served until June 1949.
Fate had other plans, and Ghulam Muhammad did not become Governor General after Jinnah’s death. Instead, Khwaja Nazimuddin assumed the position. However, after Liaquat Ali Khan’s assassination, Ghulam Muhammad reached the position of Governor General with the support of Iskander Mirza, Ayub Khan, Mushtaq Ahmad Gormani, and Chaudhry Mohammad Ali.
The contribution of Aligarh Muslim University students and teachers in the Pakistan Movement has been acknowledged by other prominent figures as well, including Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who referred to Aligarh Muslim University as the armory of Pakistan. His thoughts were evident from his speeches in Dhaka and Chittagong in March 1948.
Quaid-e-Azam knew that one of the reasons for the Pakistan Movement was the uncertain future of Urdu, the most popular language among Muslims of undivided India. Therefore, during the creation of Pakistan, he himself chose Urdu as the medium of communication throughout the country.
In Dhaka, he explicitly declared Urdu as the national language of Pakistan. Although some criticize this declaration, Urdu remains the most widely spoken language in Bangladesh even after the separation of East Pakistan. In Chittagong, Quaid-e-Azam clearly stated that Pakistan’s society would be based on the principles of social justice and Islamic socialism, which advocate equality and human fraternity.
While the Founder’s directives have largely been ignored by Pakistan’s rulers, neglecting his decision to make Karachi the capital has significantly contributed to the widening of distances between the two wings of Pakistan. Quaid-e-Azam’s speech at Karachi Club on August 9, 1947, is crucial as it discussed Karachi’s significance and clarified that the position of Governor General was his own choice, invalidating the criticisms of figures like Sardar Shaukat Hayat.
The dinner at Karachi Club in honor of Quaid-e-Azam and his sister Fatima Jinnah was hosted by Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah. Although poet of the East Allama Muhammad Iqbal had predicted Karachi’s importance in his 1930 Allahabad Address, Quaid-e-Azam highlighted Karachi’s potential and his vision for the city in his August 25, 1947, speech at the Karachi Municipal Corporation reception.
His considered opinion was that Karachi’s development would be driven by migrants from India and people moving from other parts of Pakistan. Quaid-e-Azam wanted the Karachi Municipality to be granted more powers and expansion over time. He emphasized support from governments for Karachi’s development and the importance of expanding at ground level rather than constructing tall buildings. Furthermore, Quaid-e-Azam wished for the Karachi municipalities to have extensive powers.